Ctrl+Alt+Delete: Putin’s Digital Purge

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The Laboratory

Why is Putin cracking down on Western tech giants?

On May 26, 2025, reports emerged that Russian President Vladimir Putin wanted to throttle foreign service providers like Microsoft and Zoom in the country. According to Putin, these companies were acting against Russian interests. He further emphasized the importance of strengthening domestic technology, urging his administration to prioritize the development and adoption of local software solutions.

The statement was made when Putin was addressing members of the country’s business community to address economic growth, import challenges, and competition from foreign firms that were suspended in the country following Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine.

At first sight, it may seem like an obvious move considering the ongoing conflict between Russia and West-backed Ukraine intensified with the former launching its largest aerial attack of the war on Ukraine, killing at least 13 people.

However, Russia’s distrust of Western technology companies is not new. Over the years, Russia has passed several laws restricting and controlling the use of foreign platforms in the country. Here is all you need to know about Russia’s stand on Big Tech.

A strategic pivot, not a knee-jerk reaction 

Russia's approach to internet governance has evolved over the years, marked by increasing control and censorship. Even before the war in Ukraine, Russia had pursued a policy of trying to create a self-sufficient internet, Runet, capable of operating independently from the global internet in case of threats. Some of the key developments in this area include:

• Data Localization Laws: Mandating foreign tech companies to store Russian users' data on local servers. Russia has also fined companies like Google for what it said was repeatedly failing to comply with laws requiring technology companies to localize user data.

• Blocking of Foreign Platforms: Platforms like Facebook and Instagram have been banned under laws targeting "extremist" organizations, reflecting the government's intent to control information flow.

• Throttling of Services: The Russian government has employed techniques to slow down or disrupt access to certain platforms, such as YouTube, as a means of control without complete bans. The country has also passed laws banning the sale of certain devices that are not pre-installed with Russian software.

Why the Kremlin sees Big Tech as a threat

Russia has had a long-evolving pressure campaign against Big Tech. Most of this has stemmed from the desire to control the narrative and spread only information that is in line with its leader’s outlook.

Even before the war in Ukraine, Russia had demanded that platforms like Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram take down content it wanted censored, mostly information around protests in the country.

The Russian parliament has gone as far as to summon representatives of companies like Apple and Google and threaten them and their staff, explicitly, with jail time, and implicitly with violence, when they refuse to censor content as requested by the government.

How the Ukraine war rewired Big Tech’s stance

Since the war in Ukraine began in 2022, Big Tech has moved quickly to remove Russian propaganda from its platforms. Google dropped Kremlin content from Google News after it said propaganda performed well in searches, and Microsoft dropped RT (a Russian state-owned media outlet’s app) from its app store. The company also said it had banned advertisements on Russian state-sponsored media.

The willingness of companies to comply with sanctions has also put them at loggerheads with the Russian administration. Most of the moves by Big Tech in Russia were enacted at the request of European governments, and the lack of transparency about which government requested which measure further fueled the fire.

The global trend of digital sovereignty

Russia is not alone in imposing internet restrictions. Other countries with notable censorship practices include China, which operates the "Great Firewall", blocking numerous foreign websites and tightly controlling online content. At the same time, Iran imposes strict controls on internet access, including blocking social media platforms and monitoring online activities, and finally, North Korea, which maintains an isolated intranet, with access to the global internet restricted to a select few.

These countries employ various methods to control information, from technical measures to legal frameworks, reflecting a global trend toward digital sovereignty.

Can Russia’s homegrown tech replace the West?

As Russia tries to strengthen its grip on the liberty of Western tech companies in the country, it has also worked on developing domestic alternatives that would further reduce its reliance on the West.

The country has developed alternatives for Google Workspace, Microsoft, Slack, Zoom, and other productivity-related platforms. It has also developed domestic alternatives for social media platforms like Facebook, YouTube, WhatsApp, LinkedIn, and others.
Some of the alternative productivity tools developed in Russia include:

• Yandex 360: An integrated suite that combines communication, productivity, and storage tools, directly aiming to replicate and replace Western platforms like Google Workspace and Microsoft 365.

• VK Teams: Designed to be a collaborative superapp that mimics functionalities found in a mix of Western tools like Zoom, Microsoft Teams, and Asana.

• TrueConf: A video conferencing platform focused on enterprise communications. Aimed at defense, government, and closed networks, the platform serves as an alternative to Western platforms like Cisco Webex or Zoom Enterprise.

What’s Next for Russian Tech?

President Putin's call to "throttle" Western tech services underscores Russia's ongoing efforts to assert control over its digital landscape. By promoting domestic alternatives and implementing stringent internet regulations, the Kremlin aims to reduce foreign influence and enhance national security.

However, the effectiveness and global competitiveness of these domestic platforms remain to be seen, as they navigate challenges related to user adoption, functionality, and international integration.

While Russia has been working on self-reliance through the development of in-house tech platforms, whether these platforms will become mere props for the government or become viable alternatives for Western tech giants is a question only time will answer. In the meantime, it appears that tech companies may be forced to balance shareholder expectations with the risk of angering powerful political regimes.

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